However, armed-forces loyal to Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) clashed numerous times with the Burma Army over the past week in northern Shan state, quoting a KIO source the Kacin News Group said. It was the first recorded clashes since both sides met for peace talks in Kachin state capital of Myitkyina at the end of May this year.

On 10 June, conflict broke out between KIO Mungshawa Hpyen Hpung (MHH) civilian militia ‘section 5’ and government infantry battalion 125 close to Hpai Kawng village in Pangsai (Kyukok) region. The government battalion was supported by the Kutkai based militia troop commanded by Hkun Myant from the ruling USDP party. Hkun Myant runs his own militia for drug trafficking which is booming in Shan state. Two government soldiers found dead at the end of the fighting. A few clashes occurred throughout last week, according to a KIO official.

Kachin armed forces received strict orders not to strike first, said one KIO official who spoke to the Kachin News Group (KNG) on condition of anonymity due to restrictions in place on speaking to the media. Despite the KIO’s restraints, clashes occurred after government military units entered KIO controlled areas without word of warning, the anonymous official said.

During the latest three-day talks (28-30 May) in Myitkyina, the government peacemaking team and the KIO reached a seven-point preliminary agreement pledging both sides would take necessary steps towards reducing tensions and establishing a troop monitoring mechanism to prevent unnecessary clashes like these. Despite the goodwill gestures displayed in Myitkyina’s peace talks and later reported to the media by Aung Min, head of government peace negotiator, warfare hasn’t been ceased. As a result, a proper end of hostilities still seems far from realization.  

Peacemaking team of Government of Burma and delegates of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) signed a preparatory agreement on 30 May 31, 2013 (Thursday) in Myitkyina, the capital of the Kachin state, inside Burma.(Photo credit: Min Zaw Oo’s Face Book)

In the last three-day talks, the government’s peace delegation was led by Union Minister Aung Min and Lt-Gen. Myint Soe who is head of the Bureau of Special Operation-1 that watch over military operations in Kachin State. The KIO delegation was led by Brig-Gen Sumlut Gun Maw, the Deputy Chief-of-Staff of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA).

It was remarkable that Vijay Nambiar, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s special adviser on Burma, was also present as an observer during the three-day talks between the KIO and the Burmese government. Representatives from China and other ethnic observers from United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) were also in attendance. Even though the KIO wanted to invite observers from the US and British governments, they were not in attendance. Their participation in the talks is reported to have been vetoed by the Chinese government, KNG said.

The central committee of Kachin Independence Organization released a public statement on June 12, 2013 reiterate the seven-point agreement signed between KIO and Burmese government delegation at Myitkyina’s Ma-nau compound on May 30. The statement expresses appreciation for all parties involved during the meeting and to welcoming crowd for their supports. Thousands of Myitkyina and Waing Maw residents lined up waving Kachin national flag to welcome KIO delegation on May 27, the Kachinland News said.

The KIO’s statement said the seven-point agreement was signed hoping that it would lead towards sustainable political conclusion and long-term peace. KIO again said in the statement that political discussions will halt long running civil-war and equal rights will guarantee all ethnic nationalities in Burma to live in peace and harmony, according to the Kachinland News.

As both sides had agreed on paper to set up a ‘Joint Monitoring Committee’ to trim down military tension, discussions on the safety of return and resettlement for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and refugees would continue as a priority in the upcoming talks, said the statement. Yet, the agreement appeared to be a preparatory step toward a truce rather than a step forward. The KIO maintains on a political solution, not just a ceasefire.

Ahead of the 30-May talks, the Kachin National Consultative Assembly (KNCA) issued a press statement on 22 May concerning the conflict in Kachin state. The Assembly demands four main points in the statement – Equal ethnic rights, justice and peace; Self-rule over our traditional territories; Full rights of self-determination and autonomy; Establishment of a genuine Federal Union.

On the other hand, President Thein Sein government said that it looks forward to achieve an all-inclusive peace agreement with every ethnic group in the near future. However, the KIO also has been under pressure from the Kachin general public not to bargain beyond their preferred demands with the government.  

As a consequence, a six-member delegation from Burma’s, also known as Myanmar, media realm paid a trip to Thailand and there was a press panel − Myanmar Media Panel: Rejoining the World Journalist Community − on June 12 at the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Thailand. There, they shared their views on the rapidly changing media market, the new daily newspapers starting up in the country, online and social media forums and also some hot issues challenging the Interim Press Council of Burma/Myanmar.

The speakers on the panel were Kyaw Yin Myint, upper Myanmar bureau chief for Modern, Kumudra, Dana and Warazein newspapers; Chit Win Maung, member of Myanmar Press Council and leading committee member of Myanmar Journalist Union(MJU); Ms. EiEi Myat, executive editor of Agri Business News Journal published by Ministry of Agricultural and Irrigation and a CEC member of Myanmar Journalist Association (MJA); Ms. Theingi Htun, senior reporter for Mizzima; “Jimmy” Han Htwe Aung, Asahi TV (Tokyo Channel 5); Teza Hlaing, a photojournalist for Irrawaddy News and a freelance video journalist for Radio Free Asia.

Six Journalists from Burma made a visit to Bangkok, speaking at the FCCT on 12 June 2013. (Photo: Southeast Asian Press Alliance - SEAPA)

In Burma, press freedom is currently at a crossroads, the speakers said. The quasi-civilian government led by ex-general Thein Sein would like to maintain the country under limited or disciplined democracy while the mainstream general public wants a new phase of change. Citizens are demanding freedom of expression and association while the government is rigidly vetoing these basic rights.

In the midst of demands for a free press, the Burmese government granted permission for some of the private dailies that began publishing in the first week of April this year. It’s really a great risk for the publishers, editors, correspondents and even the distributors of the dailies in such a time of vagueness.  Out of the 16 private daily newspapers given permission to publish, four dailies began publishing on 1 April 2013.

Burma dissolved the press censorship board officially known as the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD) in January. According to the state-run New Light of Myanmar, the termination of PSRD was approved during the cabinet meeting held on 24 January 2013. However, in place of PSRD, the “Copyrights and Registration Division” will be formed under the Information and Public Relations Department, said the state-run newspapers.

Unquestionably, the dissolution of the censorship office was the result of the unity of journalists. The PSRD defended its rigid role up to the last breath. It was a historic and extraordinary event which occurred on 1 August last year that 92 journalists from Myanmar Journalists’ Association (MJA), Myanmar Journalists’ Network (MJN) and Myanmar Journalists’ Union (MJU) wearing black T-shirts decorated with the catchphrase ‘STOP KILLING PRESS’ launched a demonstration in the former capital Rangoon protesting against the suspension of two journals – the Voice Weekly and the Envoy Journal.

Again in March 2013, three media groups –MJA, MJN and MJU – protested against the draft of the new Printing and Publishing Law drawn up by the Ministry of Information (MOI) submitted to Parliament on 27 February, 2013. They protested because MOI did not consult with media stakeholders before it put forward the draft bill to the House.

Several journalists, along with the Committee For Freedom of Press (Myanmar), gathered at a media workshop at the Yuzana Garden Hotel in Yangon on 12 March calling on the government to revoke the drafted Printing and Publishing Bill.

The MOl’s draft bill systematically put up the grip of government on the print media freedom. It made certain its supremacy to exploit on license certificates as per revoking or fining.  The clause made the journalists angry because of the fact that it is no different from the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Law.

“If passed in its current form, the draft law will essentially replace Burma’s old censorship regime with a similarly repressive new one,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “Banning news topics and legalizing the jailing of journalists is utterly inconsistent with the press freedom guarantees that authorities vowed the new law would promote. We urge lawmakers to amend this draft in a way that protects, and not restricts, press freedom.”

Concerning Burma’s press freedom, Southeast Asian Press Alliance (SEAPA) says in its press freedom report (2013), “To date, there is not much tangible proof of media reform, apart from the dissolution of the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division, and the publication of private news dailies that began on 1 April 2013.”

In such a blurred situation, the Public Service Media (PSM) draft law came out during a press conference at the Printing and Publishing Enterprise on 8 June, 2013. According to the Deputy Information Minister Ye Htut, the PSM draft has the basic principles of representing all citizens.

According to Chit Win Maung, member of the Myanmar Interim Press Council, he as well as the council objected to the PSM draft law as it appeared to go up against the private sector in term of market competition and media freedom. The most controversial issue is that 70 percent of the budget for Burma’s PSM will have to be provided by the state funds, he said.

He also mentioned during the press conference that if the information ministry has to submit the PSM draft law to the parliament, there are altogether three draft laws concerning the media freedom reason. It seems making more complication on press freedom with media ethics.

The deputy information minister said that it is true that the PSM draft law is across-the-board, but it does not go against any existing laws. The law is not intended to control private media outlets, Ye Htut insisted.

In the interim, the responsibility is on the ‘Interim Press Council’ to present a well-defined press law bill. So far, no one could say the outcome of the media reform process, as the representatives of the journalists diligently keep on with drafting their press law.

The multi-million dollar project envisages development of roads and inland waterways from Sittwe port in Burma (Myanmar) to Mizoram in India.

The Kaladan Project report was jointly brought into being by the ‘Kaladan Movement’, an alliance of civil-society organizations concerned about the human rights, social, economic, and environmental impacts of the Kaladan Project for local residents. The core members of the ‘Kaladan Movement’ are the Arakan Rivers Network (ARN), the Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO) and the Zo Indigenous Forum (ZIF).

The speakers who gave explanation of the Kaladan report at the press panel were Salai Za Uk Ling from the CHRO, Twan Zaw from the ARN and C. Lalremaruata from the ZIF based in Mizoram, India.

The report provides a synopsis of the recent on-the-ground impacts arising from lack of transparency, and focuses on the concerns and hopes of the local people. The report also tries to underline the prospective benefits of the venture, particularly for Arakan and Chin States, the two most impoverished regions of Burma.

The report highlights the need for better infrastructure and the potential benefits of increased trade opportunities for local farmers and producers. However, it raises tough questions about the prospect of further land confiscation and forced deportation, disruption and loss of existing livelihoods, and increased militarization relating to the project.

According to the report, until now, no Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA), Health Impact Assessment (HIA) or Social Impact Assessment (SIA) have been conducted for the Burma-side implementation of the Kaladan Project, or, if assessments were carried out, the findings have never been made public.

In February 2012 Burmese government officials promised to conduct an EIA and SIA for the Kaladan Project. During a press conference on 15 February 2012, presidential adviser KoKo Hlaing – alongside representatives of the Burma Port Authority and Inland Waterways Authority of India – guaranteed that the Burmese government would conduct an EIA and SIA before any future large-scale development project.

President U Thein Sein received a delegation led by Minister for Commerce, Industry and Textile of India Mr Anand Sharma, at the Credentials Hall of the Presidential Palace in NayPyiTaw, 7 June 2013. (Photo Credit: http://www.president-office.gov.mm)

The following week, in response to a question raised by Dr. Aye Maung, chairman of the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) in the Upper House, Minister for Transport U Nyan Tun Aung stated that the government would coordinate with its Indian counterpart to carry out an EIA and SIA in order to minimize negative consequences from the Kaladan Project.

According to Kaladan Movement research, to date, people living in the Kaladan Project area are not aware of any concrete action taken by the government to follow-up on these important promises. There have been rumors that an EIA for the Phase 3 of the Kaladan Project has been conducted by a South Korean consultancy under contract to the Indian Ministry of External Affairs, but no evidence of this work, nor the findings of the assessment, have ever been made public, the report says.

“Local people must have full participation in major development decisions in Burma,” said Twan Zaw from Arakan Rivers Network.

He added, “Comprehensive environmental, social, and health impact assessments should be conducted and made public before the Kaladan Project proceeds any further. Unless the Kaladan Project is implemented with a people-centred approach, it may lead to increased tension between India and Burma, rather than improving ties.”

The $214 million Kaladan Project – operational target in 2015 – will provide an inland waterway and highway transportation system connecting Mizoram State in Northeast India with a Bay of Bengal deep-sea port at Sittwe, Arakan State in western Burma.

The deep-sea port will transfer cargo from large container ships to smaller 300 tonne barges (from 50 to 200 meters in length) that will work the 160km inland waterway north to a currently-under-construction port complex at Paletwa Town in Chin State. At the Paletwa port, cargo will be transferred to India-Burma border via a new highway. The project, classified as Indian development aid to Burma, is a cornerstone of India’s “Look East Policy” aimed at expanding Indian economic and political influence in Southeast Asia.

Salai Za Uk Ling, Program Director at the CHRO, said, “Local people in the Paletwa area of Chin State haven’t even been informed about the route of the highway in their area. How can they benefit from the project if they know next to nothing about it, or how it might affect them?”

The Kaladan Movement’s report says that the 1.2 million people living along the route of the Kaladan Project should be the main beneficiaries of this large-scale infrastructure development. The report calls for full transparency and local public consultation and participation in the project.

Salai Za Uk Ling added, “The benefits of this project should go to the least advantaged communities. Unless and until the essential elements of full transparency, public consultation and participation, and accountability are met, the Kaladan Project should be suspended.”

The report also scrutinized a number of possible negative impacts on local residents because of the Kaladan Project, including forced labor during project construction; land confiscation and forced eviction; disruption of and loss of livelihoods; increased presence of Burma Army troops; restrictions on freedom of movement and access to transportation; illegal taxation and extortion; pollution and environmental degradation; and violations of indigenous peoples’ rights.

It says locals living in the Kaladan Project areas have already been impacted negatively due to lack of consultation; lack of information and transparency; labor discrimination; land confiscation and forced relocation; threats to local cultural heritage; and ecological destruction.

According to the Deputy Information Minister of Burma, Ye Htut, the PSM has basic principles of representing all citizens. PSM is designed to bring up to date true and reliable news along with editorial independence, he said. It is also designed to promote financial independence with professional accountability, and strategic cooperation with other organizations.

The PSM draft was drawn up with the support of International Organizations including UNESCO and local and foreign experts, the deputy minister said.

Journalists protest demanding 'Stop Killing Press' on 5 August 2012, in Rangoon, Burma. (Pic: AP)

Mr Sardar Umar Alam, Head of Project Office Myanmar (Burma) of UNESCO, and Mr Rophael Rawn, a legal expert from Germany, said the draft law is in line with international media norms, concluding that PSM should be established and the law enacted, the newspaper said.

However, the Press Council members said that the draft law need not cover journalistic ethics, duties and rights since the Press Council has already drafted those factors in the press law. The responsibilities and rights of the journalists should be on equal terms, they said.

Moreover, they also disagreed with PSM’s right to use to public funds, transportation and other preferences. It should pay the same tax as the public media businesses, they said.  The PC members totally rejected PSM’s 70 per cent spending of production costs from public funds. In addition, they also advised that it should stand on its own revenues and advertisement earnings because there is no State-funded public service media business in other countries. In brief, they said that the PSM should not be setting up more councils and committees at massive public cost.

The deputy minister said that it is true that the PSM draft law is comprehensive, but it does not go against any existing laws. The law is not intended to control private media outlets, Ye Htut insisted.

He also said that the PSM Council and Press Council are not in opposition with each other. He said that even though journalistic ethics, duties and rights have already been agreed by the Press Council, there are specific points PSM employees need to observe.

According to deputy minister, international public services media also set down comprehensive ethics and directives for their employees. In several foreign countries, he said, public service media receive a log of state funding, with some PSMs getting 97 percent of budget from government funds. The budget for Burma’s PSM will be decided by Parliament, he added.

Mr Alam from UNESCO said PSM Law is to correlate with the Press Council in a check-and-balance manner. There will be competition in all aspects as reforms take place in Burma, he said.

Chief Editor Wai Phyo of the Daily Eleven Media Group said that he objected to the PSM draft law as it appeared to compete with the private sector in term of market competition and media freedom. He also raised the question: “Is this a unilateral exploitation scheme prior to the 2015 Elections?”

International media watchdog groups have repeatedly urged Burmese authorities to scrap unethical laws governing freedom of expression. The Burmese government still needs to dump the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Law, the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act, article 505-B of the criminal code, the 1996 Television and Video Act, the 1996 Computer Science Development Act, the 1923 Officials Secrets Act and the 1933 Burma Wireless Telegraphy Act, which are still threatening press freedom.

Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) says in its statement that, however, the President’s words have not turned into into real and tangible action for freeing all political prisoners as well as guaranteeing further arrests by reason of their political beliefs or measures.

President U Thein Sein makes inaugural speech on 6 June, 2013 at World Economic Forum on East Asia (2013) at Myanmar International Convention Center (MICC) in Nay Pyi Taw.(Photo Credit: http://www.president-office.gov.mm/en/)

AAPP (B) also says that they acknowledge the President for his words since his words are influential and essential for change. But, it mentions that words alone cannot help the release of hundreds of political prisoners who are still behind bars. In addition, thousands who have been conditionally released under Article 401 (1) must enjoy their freedom without restraints, the association says in their press statement dated 7June, 2013.

AAPP (B) urges President Thein Sein to use his presidential power to completely wipe down conditions binding to the former political prisoners’ free will and to make wider authorization of the ‘Committee to Scrutinize Remaining Political Prisoners’.  In doing so, President Thein Sein’s wish of no more political prisoners may become practicality, the group said.

The ‘Committee to Scrutinize Remaining Political Prisoners’ has to define the meaning of prisoners of conscience and coordinate for a set of framework for releasing and scrutinize the remaining political prisoners and report the findings to the President. Taik Naing (General-Secretary) and Bo Kyi (Joint-Secretary) of Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) based in Thailand have visited Yangon since 5 January so as to cooperate with other civil based organizations and political parties supporting release of the remaining political prisoners as well as their rehabilitation, according to media reports.

In its latest statement, AAPP (B) urges the President to broaden the mandate of the ‘Committee to Scrutinize Remaining Political Prisoners’ so as to include detainees and individuals currently under charges. Thus, the Government of Burma is capable of preventing the emergence of a new batch of political prisoners in the country. To implement the task, all official members attached to the Committee need equal standing in the decision making process in a transparent way.

In addition, the watchdog association urges to revoke retrospectively conditions forced by Article 401 (1) for all former political prisoners released under this proviso through a presidential decree.

Before the first trip to Yangon, Bo Kyi explained about AAPP’s purpose concerning freedom of the prisoners of conscience and to do away with repressive laws still in force. The Association would go together with the 88 Student Generation group to reach its objective, Bo Kyi added. Although the President Thein Sein government released several political prisoners, he said, there are as many as 200 left behind bars.

According to AAPP, “Torture in Burma’s interrogation centers and prisons is brutal and systematic. Political prisoners are subject to extreme physical assaults resulting in internal bleeding and unconsciousness.

In Burma, torture is not limited to physical assaults, but extends to the authorities maintenance of general prison conditions and the ineptness of the prison health care system. Prison authorities routinely and deliberately aggravate prison conditions and deny medical care to political prisoners, causing a level of suffering that amounts to torture.” (Eight seconds of silence, The Death of Democracy Activists behind Bars, AAPP, May 2006.)

The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) is a human rights organization based in Mae Sot, Thailand that works for the release of all political prisoners and for the improvement of prison conditions inside Burma. Set up in 2000, AAPP is entirely run by former political prisoners.

It carries out a range of activities on behalf of Burma’s political prisoners. AAPP is widely recognized as a reliable and credible source of information on political prisoner issues in Burma, by the United Nations, governments, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and respected media outlets around the world.

If President Thein Sein wants to see real change with economic growth, he must take responsibility to remove inappropriate conditions under Article 401(1) that put a ceiling on former political prisoners through a presidential order, AAPP (B) states in its statement.

According to the report, Burma Army offensives against the Kachin Independence Army since June 2011 and widespread human rights abuses have driven over 100,000 villagers from their homes, mainly in eastern Kachin State. The majority of these refugees have fled to crowded IDP camps along the China border, which receive virtually no international aid.

Desperate to earn an income, but with little or no legal option to pursue migrant work in China, many cross the border illegally. Their lack of legal status renders them extremely vulnerable to exploitation by traffickers, who use well-trodden routes to transport and sell people into bonded labor or forced marriage as far as eastern provinces of China.

Refugee woman with children gather in their refugee camp in Myitkyina, Kachin state, northern Burma. Pic: AP.

“Push tens of thousands of people to China’s doorstep, deprive them of food and status, and you’ve created a perfect storm for human trafficking,” said Julia Marip, KWAT spokesperson.

“Without establishing a peaceful environment in the area, the question of human trafficking on the Kachin-China border may not be resolved,”  she said.

The report highlights 24 cases of actual or suspected trafficking from Kachin border areas since the resumption of fighting in June 2011, mostly involving young women and girls displaced by the war, who have been tricked, drugged, raped, and sold to Chinese men or families as brides or bonded laborers for as much as 40,000 Yuan (about $6,500 USD) per person. Some ended up as far east as Shandong and Fujian provinces.

“Far from seeking to provide protection to the internally displaced persons (IDPs) and mitigate trafficking risks, the Burmese government has continued to fuel the war, block humanitarian aid to IDPs in Kachin controlled areas, and even attack and destroy IDP camps, driving refugees into China. It has also closed some of the immigration offices on the Kachin-China border which could provide border passes for refugees to legally seek work in China,” the report says.

Given the Burmese government’s policies of military aggression and blocking humanitarian aid to displaced Kachin, KWAT is extremely disappointed in the US government decision to elevate Burma from its bottom ranking in the 2012 Trafficking in Persons report. Burma’s much-proclaimed “anti-trafficking task forces” are invalid on the Kachin-China border.

The Burmese government and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) signed a preparatory agreement on 30 May, 2013 that aims to decrease military concerns in Burma’s Kachin state and northern Shan state. It is designed to “avoid additional conflicts while efforts are proceeding to reduce hostilities”, according to a peace-broker.

During an interview with the Democratic Voice of Burma on 30 May, Hla Maung Shwe, a member of the EU-funded Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), said that the agreement includes provisions to hold political discussions between the government and the KIO in the near future. Nevertheless, the agreement did not extend to a full-scale ceasefire.

The government of Burma has released a number of statements indicating its willingness to reach an agreement with ethnic armed groups and political opponents, both domestic and exiled. Unfortunately, those offers have been considered contradictory.

Ethnic minorities have suffered five decades of brutal military offensives in the name of national security. Attacks on these rural civilians continue on a regular basis. There is a constant demand from Burma’s ethnic groups for the government to allow its people equal political, social and economic rights. The Constitution must guarantee the right of self-determination and of equal representation for every ethnic group in the Parliament. It should also include provisions against racial discrimination.

KWAT is urging the international community to tackle the trafficking issue in Burma as well as providing immediate humanitarian aid to Kachin IDPs. The Association also wants to push the Burmese government to begin a genuine process of political reconciliation to end the long-lasting conflict.

In his address, the President said that utmost efforts had been made for the success of political, economic and administrative reforms during his two years in office.

While carrying out the development of peace and stability, national reconciliation and the rule of law, the nation had faced unforeseen challenges and difficulties. However, the government is determined to overcome these challenges and difficulties, the President said.

The President pointed out that without political stability economic development cannot be realized and without socioeconomic development political stability cannot be achieved, because politics and economy are interrelated.

Burma President Thein Sein addressed the ceremony of Rural Region Development and Socio-economic Improvement in Yangon Region at National Indoor Stadium (1) on 2 June, 2013, Sunday. (Photo:http://www.president-office.gov.mm/en/)

“Although the country has economic potential, the appropriate size of population and territory, favorable weather patterns, a vast area of arable farmlands, a large workforce and  natural resources, the country was listed as a LDC [Least Developed Country],” he said.

He stressed the need for hard work to help Burma remove itself from the LDC list, adding that 70 per cent of the total population are extremely poor rural people whose livelihoods depend on the agricultural sector. He also acknowledged that city dwellers are kept in poverty by high interest rates, with much of their earnings going to business owners and moneylenders.

The President called for the establishment of cooperative societies and microfinance programs.

“Microfinance is intended not only to create immediate breathing space for citizens but also to enable them to stand on their own feet in the future,” the President said, calling for borrowers to make good use of loans and to repay in full when the time is due.

However, Aung San Suu Kyi slammed the president’s reforms during an interview with Radio Free Asia (Burmese Service) last month. She also said that more action and less talk is required of the president if he is to complete the reform process.

Currently, the military and their cronies have a huge amount of control over the country’s economy. The Burmese military set up two economic enterprises, the Union of Myanmar Economic Holding Limited (UMEHL) and the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), in 1990 and 1993 respectively. Both are still exploiting the country’s key economic sectors with no benefits flowing to the citizens of Burma.

The country’s important natural resources and heavy industries including import, export and service sectors are monopolized by the UMEHL, MEC and their allies. Military-managed business firms and crony enterprises are corrupt, and precious natural resources have been exploited while the majority of citizens have been living in dire poverty for decades.

Despite much talk about needed economic reform, President Thein Sein failed to mention the corruption and unprofessional conduct of UMEHL and MEC. Without officially recognizing the well embedded corrupt practices in Burma, there can be no means to adequately address the issue.

The country’s citizens are very poor not because the country has no resources, but because the country’s leaders, including the new semi-elected government, refuses to acknowledge the extent of corruption and wealth amassed by the powers that be.

Without changing the functions and ownership of UMEHL and MEC, President Thein Sein’s reform process will be of little real benefit to Burma’s people. As foreign investment increases, the same military affiliated businesses and crony associates will be the biggest beneficiaries, not the citizens.

It was the first time that the eighth round of talks between the two sides took place in Myitkyina, the capital of the Kachin state, inside Burma under the central government since fighting resumed in Kachin state in June 2011. Previous rounds of talks took place in the Chinese border town of Ruili as well as in Mai Ja Yang, the KIO’s second largest town in Kachin state.

This time the three-day talks started on 28 May in the Kachin State capital Myitkyina. On the third day of the negotiations, the government peacemaking team and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) reached a seven-point preliminary agreement. The government’s peace delegation was led by Union Minister Aung Min and Lt-Gen. Myint Soe who is head of the Bureau of Special Operation-1 that watch over military operations in Kachin State. The KIO delegation at the talks was led by Brig-Gen Sumlut Gun Maw, the Deputy Chief-of-Staff of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA).

Peacemaking team of Government of Burma and delegates of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) signed a preparatory agreement on 30 May 31, 2013 (Thursday) in Myitkyina, the capital of the Kachin state, inside Burma.(Photo credit: Min Zaw Oo’s Face Book)

The most important points that agreed by both parties are to carry out difficult task to attain decreasing and termination of hostilities and to maintain negotiations on military issues concerning rearrangement of respective armed forces, according to the groundwork agreement.

Despite the fact that the agreement did not reach a full-scale  ceasefire, it seems to “prevent further clashes while efforts are in progress to reduce hostilities”, according to a peace-broker Hla Maung Shwe, who made the comments during an interview with the Democratic Voice of Burma on Thursday afternoon. Hla Maung Shwe a member of the EU funded Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) told DVB that the agreement also includes provisions to hold political discussions between the government and the KIO in the near future.

As reported by the Kachin News Group (KNG), a number of senior military commanders also attended the talks including Lt-Gen Myint Soe head of the Bureau of Special Operation-1 in Kachin State. Referring Kachin sources familiar with the negotiations, the KIO’s demand for constitutional and political reform based on the 1947 Panglong Agreement were not discussed and are unlikely to be addressed during the talks. The talks instead focused on ways to deescalate military tensions and the implementation of troop monitoring process.

Vijay Nambiar, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s special adviser on Burma, was also present as an observer during the three-day talks between the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the Burmese government. Representatives from China and other ethnic observers from United Nationalities Federal Council were also in attendance. Even though the KIO wanted to invite observers from the US and British governments, they were not in attendance. Their participation in the talks is reported to have been vetoed by the Chinese government, KNG said.

Subsequent to government airstrikes on positions of the KIO, hostilities between the KIO and Burmese government armed forces have decreased in number by far since January this year. However, clashes between the two sides have still frequently occurred in many areas of Kachin and northwest Shan state, as reported by the Kachin News Group.

Ahead of this eighth round of talks, on 22 May, the Kachin National Consultative Assembly (KNCA) issued a press statement on the political and military conflict in Kachin region. The Assembly demands four main points in the statement – Equal ethnic rights, justice and peace; Self-rule over our traditional territories; Full rights of self-determination and autonomy; Establishment of a genuine Federal Union.

The KNCA also says in its statement that it is necessary “to include appropriate international monitoring groups in future meetings as witnesses and mediators. For example, we believe that best result will come out if the UN, UK, China and USA will serve as witnesses and mediators.”

Most people are willing to see what will be the outcome in next rounds of peace-talks as the KIO has been under demands from the Kachin general public not to bargain beyond their desires with the government of Burma which still remains in disfavor in Kachin state.

After  government airstrikes on positions of the KIO, hostilities between the KIO and Burmese government armed forces have decreased in number considerably since January. However, clashes between the two sides have still frequently occurred in many areas of Kachin and northwest Shan state, as reported by the Kachin News Group.

The government and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) have agreed to go on with their incomplete talks on a lasting ceasefire. During the last meeting, which was held in the Chinese border town of Ruili on 11 March 2013, the two sides discussed the situation between the two armies. The negotiations of the two parties in China lead to a helpful progress for continuation of ceasefire talks. The government’s peace delegation was led by Union Minister Aung Min and Lt-Gen. Myint Soe. The KIO team consisted of Central Committee Member Sumlut Gam and Deputy Chief-of-Staff Brig-Gen Gum Maw.

Peace talks resume between representatives of Kachin Independence Organization and the Burmese government peacemaking team in Shweli, China-Myanmar border in China’s Yunnan Province on Monday, March 11, 2013. (Photo: U Ye Htut / FB)

It was said that more talks were supposed to be held before the end of April. However, due to a variety of reasons, particularly continual disagreement over the insertion of third party observers, the talks took additional time to put in order.

“Recently, the Myanmar peace talks in Thailand were sponsored by the Japanese; while the meeting at Ruili, China, opposite Muse in Shan State, a border town of Sino-Burma, Chinese was directly involved. According to some reports, Chinese even interfered[in] the internal affairs. Japanese and Chinese are rivalry. If these two major powers take a leading role in the peace process, I doubt about if it goes smooth. In order to balance the two influential [sides], the U.S should consider taking a leading role for Myanmar’s peace process” Khuensai Jaiyen, editor-in-chief of the Shan Herald Agency for News, said at a press conference in Bangkok on March 18, which was arranged by Burma News International (BNI).

“As Chinese officers were present at the Ruili meeting, some of the decision could not be made: for instance, humanitarian [assistance] and ceasefire monitoring. If those items were included in the agenda, NGOs from the west would flood in; this seems to make the Chinese nervous. So, if Chinese and Japanese pull the string on each side, the peace process would go nowhere; it may take longer than necessary,” Khuensai Jaiyen said, according to Shan Herald Agency for News.

According to KNG, the next round of peace talks between the government peacemaking team and the KIO peace delegation will take place in Myitkyina, the Kachin state capital, on 28 May, according to Kachin sources familiar with the negotiation procedures. It will be the first time that talks between the two sides take place in territory under the central government since fighting resumed in Kachin state in June 2011. Previous rounds of talks took place in the Chinese border town of Ruili as well as in Mai Ja Yang, the KIO’s second largest town in Kachin state.

The UN’s Special Adviser on Myanmar, Vijay Nambiar, will attend the May 28 peace talks between the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the Burma government’s Peace Making Committee at Myitkyina, said Kachin peace broker San Aung, according to Mizzima news. Even though the KIO wanted to invite observers from the US, Britain, China and the UN, the government rejected all except the UN.

Despite the goodwill expressed by the government’s chief delegate Aung Min with his advisers from the EU funded Myanmar Peace Center, there has been minor advancement during several rounds of talks between the government and the KIO.

On 22 May, the Kachin National Consultative Assembly (KNCA) issued a press statement on the political and military conflict in Kachin region. The Assembly highlights its 4 main demands in the statement as follow:
(1) Equal ethnic rights, justice and peace
(2) Self-rule over our traditional territories
(3) Full rights of self-determination and autonomy
(4) Establishment of a genuine Federal Union

The KNCA also says in its statement: “Meetings were not as successful as they could be because of a lack of appropriate international monitoring groups involved. Therefore, there is a need to include appropriate international monitoring groups in future meetings as witnesses and mediators. For example, we believe that best result will come out if the UN, UK, China and USA will serve as witnesses and mediators.

As said by the state-run newspaper, the media conference had discussion under the heading ‘The Role of Media in Democratic Transitions: Successes, Challenges and the Way Forward’. The news said that the government officials, private and state owned media companies, professional journalists associations, academia, civil society and international organizations and a large number of media practitioners participated in the 2nd Conference on Media Development in Myanmar.

The conference took place amid some significant changes in Myanmar’s media sector within a year, with the closure of censorship, the drafting of new media laws, the establishment of an interim press council and the recent reemergence of country’s first private daily newspapers as visible landmarks.

Newspaper sellers wait for a bus after receiving newspapers from a wholesale dispatcher in Yangon, Myanmar, Monday, April 1, 2013. (AP Photo/Gemunu Amarasinghe)

“Free media is the cornerstone of a democratic society. Independent journalism requires real independence from economic and political ownership; proper education and further training; and good and sound business plans and profitable companies that reinvest in journalism. We will continue to partner with Myanmar in its reform process towards truly independent and free media,” said Danish Ambassador Mikael Winther, on behalf of the embassies of Denmark, Sweden and Norway as the key donors of the conference.

In his opening speech on 20 May, Union Minister for Information Aung Kyi said that the main position of the government’s endeavor is to link between “pluralist media space” and the exercise of “social responsibility model” in the country’s media practice. He also expected that the future media landscape of the country would have multiplicity in terms of media ownership and in terms of content for different media audiences including women, children, ethnic communities and various talented individuals.

“The abolishing of censorship board and online accessibility of publishing rights have clearly illustrated as the first phase of media reform while the return of independent commercial daily newspapers and the repeals of existing rigid printing laws as the second phase. As we have reached a compromise on the latter issue with the press council, I hope it will open up for discussions in the parliament soon,” the Information Minister said.

Moreover he also said that currently his ministry has been focusing on the transformation of State-owned media into the public service media with the purpose of providing both media pluralism and democracy in the general public. The life of public service media is listening to different voices and speaking to everyone in equality but avoiding political interference and commercial interest, he said.

“I hope our country is one of the success stories of the media reform model in Asia as it has moved this far within a short period while comparing with other media environments,” Aung Kyi said.

Regional Deputy Director of UNESCO Bangkok Office, Mr. Etienne Clement observed Myanmar’s reforms occurring speedily and its press becoming liberated and more unlock than before. On behalf of UNESCO, he welcomes the women’s sharing in the country’s media sphere and equal opportunity in the media activities. He stressed the role of media for justice and freedom of expression in line with democratic practice. He called the media persons to join hands with the government and international media organizations to speed up the hard-won momentum, according to the New Light of Myanmar.

Thiha Saw, Chief Editor of Open News Journal and member of interim Myanmar Press Council said changes are considerable. He said the Information Ministry and the MPC (Interim) met three times for the two draft press laws. He recognized the cooperation of the Information Ministry on the two drafts that have been scheduled and could be push forward. He said much steps forward could be seen against obstacle in the past.

A total of 369 persons – personnel from UN agencies, international media organizations and foreign media agencies, local departmental personnel, editors, reporters and guests – were present at the two-day conference which concludes on 21 May, 2013, the NLM newspaper said.

The First Conference on Media Development in Burma (Myanmar) jointly organized by Ministry of Information and UNESCO was held at Chatrium Hotel in Rangoon (Yangon) on 21-22 March, 2012.

Self-styled reformist President Thein Sein has been in office for two years. Thein Sein’s reforms have been welcomed by the US but many at grassroots level in Burma feel they have made little real difference on the ground. The working class, including farmers, refuse to accept the current situation as genuine change.

The most crucial question of political reform that President Obama should not overlook is the economic monopolization by the military elite. They have been exploiting the country’s natural resources under the names of the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (UMEHL) and the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) while the country’s average population has suffered from various social miseries.

U.S. President Barack Obama. Pic: AP.

In the name of change, a quasi-civilian government led by Thein Sein was formed with former military generals.  Not surprisingly, this has done little to allay the fears of citizens who continue to live under an undemocratic regime defined by the 2008 Constitution drawn by the previous junta.

The 2008 Constitution came into place after a sham referendum in May 2008 held in the wake of Cyclone Nargis, which  caused more than 138,000 deaths and left millions homeless. The biggest flaw in the constitution is that 25 percent of seats in the parliament are reserved for unelected military generals nominated by the commander-in-chief.

Many ethnic leaders claim that they don’t trust the 2008 Constitution, which ensures the military still holds a huge amount of power in Burma. For example, the 11-member National Defense and Security Council retains the constitutional right to declare an emergency at any time.

Ahead of Thein Sein’s flight to the US his government released 23 prisoners, of which 19 are confirmed to be political prisoners according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), through a so-called amnesty. Human rights groups say more than 100 political prisoners are still held.

Many political leaders want the US President to pressure Thein Sein to stop aggressive wars against ethnic people.  If  the Thein Sein government wants to be a true reformist administration, it has to stop the wars in Shan and Kachin states.

Thein Sein’s reforms have done little to stop land grabs by the military, local authorities and government cronies. As a result, the people are suffering severe unemployment in a country where five million citizens have already migrated to neighboring countries in search of work. Most of the migrants are in Thailand and Malaysia due to unemployment and food shortage problems.

Burma remains one of the world’s least developed countries, and was ranked 149 out of 187 countries in the 2011 UN Human Development Index. Burma was ranked 172 out of 176  in the world by Transparency International’s annual Corruption Perceptions Index in 2012 – fifth from bottom above Sudan, Afghanistan, North Korea and Somalia.

President Obama should encourage President Thein Sein to have candid political objectives, such as to release all political prisoners immediately, to declare a nationwide ceasefire to show a commitment to meaningful political dialogue with all dissident groups, and to broadcast a general amnesty in the quest for peace, stability and real progress in the multi-ethnic country.

The time is not ripe yet for President Obama to welcome Thein Sein without question as Burma still has a long way to go.

Leaders from various ethnic parties said creating a federal system is impossible under the current constitution during a three-day (8-10 May) Myanmar Constitutional Democracy Workshop on Burma constitutional reform organized by the Sydney Law School at Yangon’s Mi Casa Hotel.

According to Eleven Media Group (EMG), Dr Melissa Crouch from the National University of Singapore Faculty of Law made a comparison between Indonesian constitution and 2008 constitution of Burma during the second-day session of the workshop.  Dr Crouch said that the National Defense and Security Council has chosen the defense services commander-in-chief. But the constitution states no fixed term or set qualifications for the commander-in-chief. Neither does it state any rules or laws on how to remove the commander-in-chief. The 2008 constitution gives the military a much bigger role and the defense services commander-in-chief has more power than the president, she said.

Aye Thar Aung, chairman of the Arakan League for Democracy, added that the current constitution does not go with the basic principle of democracy. Besides, it does not protect the rights of the ethnic people.

Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi talks to journalists during a press conference of the workshop of "Myanmar Constitutional Democracy" at Micasa Hotel Friday, May 10, 2013, in Yangon. Pic: AP.

Aung San Suu Kyi, Nobel laureate and chairperson of the National League for Democracy, said at a press conference following a three-day workshop that the strictest restrictions that make the 2008 constitution unchangeable must be removed before any constitutional amendment could succeed.

Section 435 of the 2008 Constitution says that if 20 percent of the total number of the Union Parliament representatives submits a Bill to amend the Constitution, it shall be considered by the Union Parliament. Section 436 states that the constitution can only be amended with the prior approval of more than 75  percent of all the representatives of the Union Parliament, followed by a nationwide referendum.

So it is understandable that the military-made constitution seems unchangeable, especially if it seeks to remove unelected army representatives from the legislative body.

However, Aung San Suu Kyi declared her willingness in October 2012 to serve as her country’s president and her party’s intention to amend the undemocratic clauses in the constitution to allow her to do so. Suu Kyi said it is her duty as leader of her National League for Democracy to be willing to take the executive office if that is what the people want. She said a clause in the constitution effectively barring her from the job is one of several her party seeks to change.

Section 59 (f) of the Constitution – Qualifications of the President and Vice-Presidents – says the presidential candidate –  or a parent, spouse, or child – cannot owe allegiance to a foreign power, nor be subject of a foreign power or citizen of a foreign country. This seems to be designed specifically to keep Suu Kyi from power. Section 60 is also an enormous barrier for Suu Kyi. It says, “The President shall be elected by the Presidential Electoral College.” Indisputably, Electoral College members will be chosen along the lines of military’s secured policy.

The military still holds a huge amount of power in Burma. For example, the 11-member National Defense and Security Council with the President keeps hold of the constitutional right to declare an emergency  at any time. Most analysts believe that there will be little hope amending the key sections of the 2008 constitution as the military will not agree to give up its legislative clout. Even if the NLD gains more than 50 percent of the seats through the 2015 general elections, it looks impossible to overcome the constitutional barriers designed to keep Suu Kyi from power.

Transferring the decision-making power to a non-military candidate would mean giving up immeasurable economic interests seized by the name of military safety. The Burmese military set up two economic enterprises, the Union of Myanmar Economic Holding Limited (UMEHL) and the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) in 1990 and 1993 respectively. Both enterprises are still exploiting the country’s key economic sectors with no benefits flowing to the citizens of Burma, especially the ethnic population.

The country’s important natural resources and heavy industriesincluding import, export and service sectors are monopolized and exploited by the UMEHL, MEC and their allies, while most citizens have been living in dire poverty for decades.

In brief, the 2008 constitution gives the military a decisive role through the commander-in-chief who holds more power than the president in order to protect the UMEHL, MEC and their allies. Thus, any attempts by Suu Kyi’ to amend the constitution will face stiff resistance from the military’s hidden hand.

It seems the government and its armed forces have been playing good guy and bad guy against the armed ethnic groups. Otherwise, is it the military’s intention to change its direction to harm the reputation of the government wherever the bright opportunity emerged?

However, the government should not mislead the people’s hope for change. The ethnic armed groups do not completely trust the government’s peace talks. The fact is that while offering the peace proposal, the government has been increasing its deployment of armed forces in the conflict zones. Above and beyond, the Burma army has been constantly carrying on combating the ethnic rebels which may lead to damaging the president’s reform aspiration.

Lt. Gen. Ywet Sitt, leader of Shan State Army (SSA), talks to Myanmar government negotiators during their meeting in Kengtung, eastern Shan State, Myanmar, Saturday, May 19, 2012. It was second round of peace talks between the government and Shan rebels. (AP Photo/Khin Maung Win)

According to a press release dated April 1, 2013 by Shan Sapawa Environmental Organization, the Burmese Army has given an ultimatum to the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N) to clear its troops from the west bank of the Salween River in an area where Chinese companies are planning a mega dam.

On March 26, the Burmese Northeast Regional Commander ordered SSA-N troops to pull out immediately from east of the Tangyan-Mong Kao road or face attack. SSA-N had been permitted to operate in this area under their original 1989 ceasefire agreement as well as under their new 2012 peace agreement.

Thousands of Burmese troops, artillery and tanks have been brought in since February from central Burma and Lashio, to Tangyan and Mong Hsu, south of Mong Kao. Tangyan lies 20 kilometers southwest of Nong Pha, where one of six planned dams on the Salween in Burma is proceeding, as announced in Burma’s parliament on February 27. 

Little is known about the project except for an announcement in December 2009 that Burma’s Ministry of Electric Power No. 1 had signed an MOU with China Hydropower Engineering Consulting Group (HydroChina) to develop two dams, one at Nong Pha and one at nearby Man Tung, on the Nam Ma tributary of the Salween, which will together produce 1,200 Megawatts, says the press release.

As said by Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.) on 9 May, it was reported that Thursday early morning Burma Army launched an attack against Shan bases on the Mao (Shweli) valley on the Sino-Burmese border, resulting in local people over 800 to flee for their safety across the border, said local news sources.

Lt. Gen. Ywet Sitt, leader of the Shan State Army (SSA), left, exchanges documents with Gen. Soe Win, the Myanmar government's chief negotiator, during their meeting in Kengtung, Golden Triangle Region, near the Thai border, eastern Shan State, Myanmar, Saturday, May 19, 2012. (AP Photo/Khin Maung Win)

“We did not start the fight. Units of Burma army which are involved in today’s fighting are under the direct command of the Military Operations Command (MOC) 16 based in Namkham. They [Burma army units] are advancing towards areas under our control from 6 directions. Now the fight is still going on. We suffered one death. We have seen 11 Burma army soldiers dead bodies. Some of them have been captured alive by our troops,” said Shan State Army (SSA) Task Force commander Lt-Col Zawm Mong, speaking from the frontline.

The latest clashes broke out after 4 men from the military disguised as portrait photo sellers went missing in the fourth week of April, quoting some local people, Shan Herald News said. Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA) is one of the ethnic armed groups that signed ceasefire agreement with Thein Sein government for peace talks in December 2011.

Regional peace talks in Taunggyi, Shan State (South), were held between the government’s Union-level peacemaking group and SSPP/SSA peace-making group on 28 January this year.

The government’s media published a five-point foundation agreement between the two teams. Both teams have agreed peace-building and non-disintegration of the Union through the 28-January agreement.

The RCSS/SSA and Naypyitaw’s Union Peacemaking Work Committee met in Kengtung to sign a 12 point union level agreement on 19 May 2012.  In general, the two sides have signed 3 agreements on 31 points in total since 2 December 2011, according to SHAN.

“So far only two of them have been successfully implemented,” said, leader of the RCSS/SSA.

Some 80 clashes have taken place since the signing in December 2011 due to the fact that the Burma Army, in most cases, has failed to notify the SSA of its planned movements, according to Lt-Gen Yawdserk.

If the President Thein Sein government took no notice of addressing this fragile political topic by way of genuine political dialogue, the ongoing civil war in ethnic territories may not be put out simply.

Nay Myo Zin is presently serving a 3-month prison term in Ma-u-bin prison under misleading accusations of disturbing a police officer. It was said that Aye Thaung, Ma-u-bin District Administrator, visited Nay Myo Zin in prison and read out the verdict on 7 May 2013. Without knowing any information about the extra sentence, Nay Myo Zin could not have a preparation for fairness with his lawyer.

However, the act of controversial verdict for Nay Myo Zin was happened on the same day he was scheduled to be released after paying fine money. A coalition of landless farmers delivered 20,000 kyats for fine imposed by the Pantanaw Court on 7 May 2013. However, before his release, the Ministry of Home Affairs send an order concerning Nay Myo Zin to serve 6 years of his remaining 9-year punishment under Article 401(1).

Nay Myo Zin joins in the International Peace Day Mass Movement on 21 September 2012. (Photo: Aung Thu Ra’ FB)

Nay Myo Zin was from Intake 39 of the Defence Services Academy (DSA). In 1998, he became a platoon leader in Infantry Battalion (19) in Swar township in Pegu Division. In 2003, he served as second in command of the No. 262 Military Provost Unit (Military Police) in Taung-gyi in Shan State. In 2005, he decided to quit from the service and retired in May 2005.

In 2009, he started helping some activities of the NLD youth wing. After Aung San Suu Kyi’s released from house arrest in November 2010, he became involved in the NLD’s movement to some extent. He was also an active member of the youth wing’s Blood Donation Network group.

As said by the AAPP(B), Nay Myo Zin was arrested in late January 2013 while supporting a farmer’s union located in Pantanaw Township, Irrawaddy Division . The union, which represents an estimated 20,000 farmers, organized a demonstration calling for the return of confiscated land and the restoration of farmer’s rights on 13 January 2013. Nay Myo Zin, along with 3 farmers, were arrested and accused under Section 18 of the Peaceful Assembly and Procession Act.

Nay Myo Zin was additionally accused under Section 500 of the Code of Criminal Procedureand given the option of 3-month imprisonment or payment of a 20,000 kyats fine on 2 May 2013. Nay Myo Zin refused to pay the fine, claiming the formal accusations are baseless and unlawful.

“The case of Nay Myo Zin sends a strong message to thousands of released political prisoners who have similarly been released under Article 401 (1): you are not free. His sentence greatly harms the human rights of released political prisoners and their ability to openly and freely engage in democracy and the national reconciliation process,” said Secretary of AAPP (B) Tate Naing.

President Thein Sein addressed the first regular session of the Burmese Parliament on 30 March 2011. In his speech, he said, “To safeguard the fundamental rights of citizens in line with the provisions of the constitution in the new democratic nation is high on our government’s list of priorities. We guarantee that all citizens will enjoy equal rights in terms of law, and we will reinforce the judicial pillar.”

But, now, people are suspicious of President’s words. Nay Myo Zin, 38, a retired Burmese military officer who works as a volunteer coordinator of the Myanmar Social Development Network, was sentenced on Tuesday by the Ministry of Home Affairs to serve 6 years of his residual 9-year punishment as a refund under Article 401(1).

If one carefully looks into the Article 204 (a) of the 2008 Constitution, it says, “The President has the power to grant a pardon.”  

He was initially imprisoned for 10 years under the Electronics Transactions Act in March 2011, making him the first political prisoner under President U Thein Sein. He was conditionally released on 13 January 2012 through the President’s pardon which is a constitutional compliance. But now, Nay Myo Zin has been rearrested to serve the previous punishment under Article 401(1) of the Code of Criminal Procedure.

Then, a legal question is appeared that – Can Article 401(1) of the Code of Criminal Procedure overpower the Article 204 (a) of the 2008 Constitution. Can Home Minister’s order overrule the Article 204 (a) of the 2008 Constitution?  Many people get confused concerning ‘presidential pardon’ which is powerless by the home minister’s order.

Nonetheless, AAPP (B) strongly denounces Nay Myo Zin’s custody and call on the Government to release him immediately and unconditionally. It also urges the Government to lift restrictions on all former political prisoners and restore their basic human rights, including freedom of movement.

Burma’s ethnic minorities have been suffering human rights abuses through brutal military operations in the name of national unity since the 1950s. Attacks on these resource rich ethnic areas are routine. There is a steadfast demand from Burma’s ethnic groups to enjoy equal political, social and economic rights. The Constitution needs to guarantee the rights of self-determination and of equal representation for every ethnic group compliant with democratic norms. It is also essential to encompass provisions against racial inequities.

Yesterday, Palaung Women’s Organization (PWO) and Ta’ang Student and Youth Organization (TSYO) released a press statement against human rights violations, including violence against women, in Palaung areas. The two organizations also released a report – Update of human right violations by the Burma Army during offensives in Palaung areas (March and April 2013) – on the same day, highlighting offensives and abuses by government troops during first 4 months of 2013. As a result, the report says, thousand of local people have been displaced from their hometown as internal displaced persons to Mantong, Namkham, Kuitkhai townships and there are increasing numbers of IDPs freshly in Tangyan township too.

In their press statement, the groups mentioned that during the past four months, the Burma Army has been carrying out fierce military offensives in Palaung areas against the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N), Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA).

The Palaung Women’s Organization (PWO) and Ta’ang Students and Youth Organization (TSYO) say that they are seriously worried the brunt of the hostility on local communities, who have suffered widespread abuses by the government soldiers.

The map shows details of human rights violations in Palaung areas. (Pic: The Palaung Women’s Organization (PWO))

PWO and TSYO also state in their report that soldiers raped women and forced young girls to work as porters. Some villagers were killed by landmines while they were forced to work.

The two organizations say in their statement that there have been hostilities in Palaung areas since 2011. Furthermore, thousands of people have had to flee their homes amid offensives against the KIA, TNLA and SSA-N. Thousands of people have been displaced in Mantong, Namkham, Kutkhai and Tangyan, the statement says.

According to the press statement, two women from Yay-Pone village, Mantong Township, Northern Shan State, were recently raped by Burmese soldiers from LIB 502 on April 19 and 20, 2013.

A villager from Yay-Pone said: “It is very difficult for the victims to speak out about rape. They were threatened by the soldiers not to tell anyone, so the rest of the community is scared. It is very dangerous for us to speak out.”

Even though the President Thein Sein Government has been holding peace negotiations and signed ceasefire agreements with various ethnic armed groups, its armed forces are still launching military offensives, and committing widespread human rights violations in ethnic areas. The government’s peace initiatives thus appear to be just a public relations exercise in preparation for the chairmanship of ASEAN in 2014, and the upcoming 2015 elections. They are not sincere about seeking a political solution to the conflict, the two organizations said in their statement.

PWO also urges the government:

1. To stop increasing the number of Burma Army troops in ethnic areas, withdraw all troops from these areas, and stop all military offensives.

2. To immediately stop rape, torture, all kinds of violence against women and other serious human right violations by Burma Army troops.

3. To authorize the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission to investigate the human rights violations, including sexual violence, by Burma Army troops.

4. To take responsibility to ensure that Burma Army troops who have committed sexual violence and other serious crimes in ethnic areas are brought to justice.

5. To allow humanitarian agencies to freely access and assist the IDPs until it is safe for them to return home voluntarily.

Even though the government has made a commitment to restore the rule of law, its respective authorities, including the local administrators, judges and police, are still abusing power without restraint. 

“Every day, freedom of expression faces new threats. Because they help ensure transparency and accountability in public affairs, journalists are frequent targets of violence,” said Secretary-General Ban and Irina Bokova, Director-General of the UNESCO, in a joint message for World Press Freedom Day, observed each year on 3 May.

In Burma (Myanmar), Press freedom is currently at a turning point. The quasi-civilian government led by ex-general Thein Sein would like to maintain the country under limited democracy while the majority population desires a new stage of change. Especially, citizens are demanding freedom of expression and association while the government is rigidly vetoing the basic rights of the citizens.

If the Thein Sein Government is straightforward concerning democratic reforms, the media must be free at the beginning since access to information is fundamental to a healthy democracy. But in Burma, not only the political opponents but also journalists and social-activists are still under the inflexible reins of the military-backed regime.

Burmese Journalists have welcomed the reform process managed by the existing government, for instance, it has dissolved the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD) during a cabinet meeting on 24 January of this year. Although President Thein Sein promises of better press freedom, several journalists are still skeptical due mainly to his previous position as a Prime Minister and Lieutenant-General in the State Peace and Development Council or military junta.

Several journalists, along with the Committee For Freedom of Press (Myanmar) gathered at a media workshop at the Yuzana Garden Hotel in Yangon on 12 March calling on the government to revoke the draft Printing and Publishing Bill. (Photo: Committee For Freedom of Press (Myanmar) FB)

Noticeably, the dissolution of the censorship office was the result of the unity of journalists. The PSRD defended its rigid role up to the last breath. It was a historic and extraordinary event which occurred on 1 August last year that ninety-two journalists from Myanmar Journalists’ Association (MJA), Myanmar Journalists’ Network (MJN) and Myanmar Journalists’ Union (MJU) wearing black T-shirts decorated with the catchphrase ‘STOP KILLING PRESS’ launched a demonstration in the former capital Rangoon protesting against the suspension of two journals – the Voice Weekly and the Envoy Journal.

In their press-release, the journalists stated that if the government endorsed a ‘Press Law’ without seeking advice from the stakeholders in the press, they would not recognize any outcome concerning the new bill. Media watchdog groups have been urging the authorities to abandon the unprincipled laws governing freedom of expression, especially the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Act and other oppressive laws.

In a time of democratic reform, the dissolution of the censor-office is not enough. The government has  an obligation to revoke the undemocratic laws such as the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Act, the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act, article 505-B of the criminal code, the 1975 State Protection Law, the 1996 Television and Video Act, the 1996 Computer Science Development Act, the 2002 Wide Area Network Order and the 2004 Electronics Transactions Law. Without dumping those media oppressive laws, the press will not be free in Burma.

Looking back into near past, on 27 February, the media groups of Burma – Myanmar Journalists’ Association (MJA), Myanmar Journalists’ Network (MJN) and Myanmar Journalists’ Union (MJU) – had protested against the draft Printing and Publishing Law drawn by Ministry of Information (MOI) submitted to the Parliament.

Several journalists along with the ‘Committee For Freedom of Press (Myanmar)’ gathered at a media workshop in Yangon on 12 March calling the government to revoke the draft Printing and Publishing Bill.

The MOl’s draft bill systematically put up the grip of government on the print media freedom. It made certain its supremacy to exploit on license certificates as per revoking or fining.  The clause makes the journalists annoyed due to no different to the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Law.

The most important point of the making of the draft media law is to base on openness which by other means to be transparent. It was the practice of the dictatorial regime to run the country by way of undisclosed mechanism. Currently, most journalists believe that the MOI has drawn the draft behind closed doors and even without consulting the ‘Interim Press Council’, it hurried up submitting the bill to the House.

So, people think the act of MOI as a kind of dishonest action. In fact, MOI has promised the assignment of drawing a draft media law should be implemented by the ‘Interim Press Council’. The latest ‘Interim Press Council’ was formed by referencing international standard of “Co-regulatory System’, as mentioned on the website of the MOI.

Most journalists believe that press council members’ major responsibility is to help drafting the press law. But, to everyone’s astonishment, the authority reveal “Printing and Publishing Enterprise Law Draft Bill” in their newspapers without seeking advice from the stakeholders of the press. The move seems to cause misdemeanor towards the media personnel including the frontline journalists. The act of MOI seems to contravene the power of the press council

More complicated question is that the MOI’s draft bill included radio and television plus Internet-based media excepting print media. So, observers think the MOI has trespassed beyond the boundary of print media sphere.

The MOI’s draft law, which planned swap over the 1962 publishing law, provides the regime’s information ministry wide-ranging powers to call off publishing licenses, control press competence and charge journalists as running against the state’s safety measures.

The most debatable part of the draft bill is “5 restrictions” states visibly in the ‘chapter 3’. In brief,  chapter three refers not to print or publish issues concerning incitements to racial and religious hatred; agitations to damage law and order, fueling riots; immoral sexual related matters; supporting violence and crimes, gambling, drugs and methamphetamine interconnected unlawful activities; writings against the current constitution and existing laws. Many journalists consider the 5 restrictions as suppressive rubber band prescriptions.

The draft law also allows to assign a new “registration administrator,” who will oversee with issuing publishing licenses and scrutinizing the press whether media personnel violate odd restriction regulations.

The MOI’s draft law recommends fining unlawful or unlicensed publishing with a penalty of 1 million kyats (US$ 1,177) to 5 million kyats (US$ 5,882) or six months imprisonment.

Concerning Burma’s press freedom, Southeast Asian Press Alliance (SEAPA) says in its press freedom report (2013), “To date, there is not much tangible proof of media reform, apart from the dissolution of the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division, and the publication of private news dailies that began on 1 April 2013.”

However, there was a good signal that the media groups protest has caused the parliament to make a response during a session that they will at least wait to exchange ideas on the MOI’s  bill for a few months. For the time being, the obligation is on the shoulder of the ‘Interim Press Council’ to propose a well-defined press law bill. So far, no one could say the outcome of the media reform or the consultation process, as the representatives of the journalists keep on with drafting their press law.

On November 29, 2012, in Monywa, Sagaing Division, riot police brutally ran over six protest camps at the Letpadaung copper mine, arrested an indefinite number of protesters, and injured at least 100, including many with severe burns. During the crackdown, the riot police had used inflammable bombs while they raided the camps where monks slept peacefully in the early hours of a full-moon day.  The regime used riot police equipped with harmful weapons, although there was no situation of riot or disorder.

A similar case occurred on 25 April (Thursday) during a police attack on local villagers who hae been ploughing in their disputed farmland as a sign of protest in the environs of the controversial Latpadaung copper-mine project. At least one person was shot and five individuals arrested, according to media news. Actually, the anti-copper mine protesters were just espousing their citizens’ rights saying the mine had severely damaged their livelihood, environment and cultural heritage.

Protesters hold placards as they stage a rally outside the city hall in Yangon, Myanmar, against a copper mining project in central Myanmar/Burma on Monday, Nov 26, 2012. -- PHOTO: AP

According to the Democratic Voice of Burma, local villagers and activists have been calling for the shutting down of the Latpadaung Copper Mine, a joint-venture between the military-owned Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings and Wanbao, a subsidiary to a Chinese arms manufacturer, which they claim is responsible for the confiscation of about 7,800 acres of farmland in total and has displaced farmers from 66 villages.

People see this police crackdown on villagers as an unchanged dictatorial practice by the so-called civilian government led by President Thein Sein who declares himself a reformist.

The most crucial question of the political reform is also based on the sincerity of the country’s military elite, since they have been exploiting the country’s natural resources through the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (UMEHL) and the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC).

The country has also been criticised over its incompetent procedures for reform. Although poverty alleviation is one item on the reform agenda, farmers and workers are distressed that their land and property has been unlawfully confiscated by the military, local authorities and their cronies.

Moreover, the ethnic armed struggle over political and economic rights are also closely tied up with the socioeconomic inequality in the country’s ethnic populated regions. Although ceasefires and peace talks have taken place, there are fresh offensives in Kachin and Shan States in recent weeks. The military leaders who ruled the country over five decades monopolize much of the nation’s natural property, and have sold some of this to China at low-prices that has caused citizens to accuse China of expansionism under a disguise of friendship.

The recent anti-Muslim violence is a gambit that actually changes the focus of people’s grievances from the anti-China standpoint. It’s a risky game by the Thein Sein Government to safeguard Chinese projects including a copper-mine venture and a twin oil and gas pipeline from Kyaukpru in the southeastern Arakan State of Burma, across Kachin State, to China’s Yunnan province.

It is difficult to dream of a successful political change in Burma unless the government can achieve societal sufficiency and constant progress in the daily lives of common people. In turn, it is difficult to see successful economic transformation without political reliability that guarantees a departure from the dictatorial past.

It is also essential to adjust the economic inequalities caused by the military cartels and their cronies in the lead up to the general elections in 2015. To seize on the potential benefits during its transformation period, Burma’s quasi-civilian government needs to make up its mind about how to amend the controversial constitution.

Even though it uses the slogan ‘change’, the government was formed with former military generals, who themselves wrote the 2008 Constitution. The biggest flaw in the constitution is the privileged 25 percent of seats in parliament that are reserved for soldiers who are basically appointed to the legislative body by the commander-in-chief.

So far, following five decades of military rule, some of the hardest political stumbling blocks remain, as well as the military elite that still holds decisive power. For instance, the eleven-member National Defense and Security Council, along with the President, has the constitutional right to declare an emergency at any time.

Most importantly, even though the government has repeatedly said it will restore the rule of law, its respective authorities, including the local administrators, judges and police, still abuse their power without restraint. The military and its cronies are still above the law and as a result, corruption and abuse of power is still widespread.

The statement says, “A group of about 50 young men and women traveling to celebrate the water festival were apprehended by Burmese troops, and forced to walk in front and behind them as human shields, to ward off attacks by Shan troops.”

The SHRF says it is seriously worried about fresh widespread atrocities by the army against civilians in Tangyan Township, northern Shan State. SHRF calls the government to take accountability for its soldiers’ atrocities. In addition, it also calls on the international community to hold the Thein Sein government accountable for the violence.

Lt. Gen. Ywet Sitt, left, leader of Shan State Army (SSA), and Gen. Soe Win, chief of Burmese government negotiation group, shake hands during their meeting in Kengtung, eastern Shan State, 19 May 2012. Pic: AP.

Amid ongoing peace talks with the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N), the statement says troops from nine Burmese battalions have since last month been conducting a fierce offensive to drive out the SSA-N from their bases south of Tangyan. On April 15, during the annual Water Festival, government troops launched new attacks, intentionally targeting civilians in several Shan village tracts.

Two children were injured and a school and several houses were damaged in army mortar attacks. Government armed forces apprehended and blow civilians in at least nine villages, causing severe injury. Children were also kicked and beaten with rifle butt by the soldiers, the statement said.

According to SHRF, vehicles of villagers were set on fire by Burmese troops. Soldiers also threatened to burn down villages where fighting had taken place with Shan troops in northern Shan State. As a result of those mistreatments, nearly 2,000 villagers have currently run away to Tangyan, where they are taking refuge in temples and in relatives’ houses. Some have also fled east across the Salween River to Wa-controlled areas.

The Burma Army attacks are in direct breach of their ceasefire agreement with the SSA-N, and call into question the probability of the current peace process between the Burmese government and the ethnic armed groups.

In the interests of promoting sustainable peace in Shan State, the Shan Human Rights Foundation urgently calls on foreign governments to publicly condemn these attacks and atrocities by the Burma Army, and to make further engagement with the Thein Sein government conditional upon genuine efforts to find a political solution to the conflict in Burma.

At the same time, another rights group, Shan Women’s Action Network (SWAN) demands to end the ongoing conflicts between Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA) and Burma army. It also calls to withdraw all units reinforced during the conflicts in March as committing atrocities, abuses and rapes against women and children continue, Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.) said.

“In March, we have made an inquiry by phone to some of the villages in the armed conflict areas. We were told that there was a report on 3 Ta-ang women were taken by the Burma army soldiers to the frontline. Following their release, the 3 Ta-ang girls said, they had to work for the Burma army in the camp for 3 days. They simply told they had worked for the army unit without specifying kind of work. If they revealed the story ‘as it’ or not is questionable. We have been receiving reports of rape cases against women continuously from Tangyan,” said Ying Harn Fah, a spokesperson for SWAN.

“On 21 April there was also a report on rape from Tangyan that took place on 14 April,” Ying Harn Fah added.

Such atrocities, abuses, human right violations and rapes are common incidents committed by the Burma army and often heard from the locals during the recent clashes between SSA and Burma army, said Sai Nong from Tangyan.

Shan Women’s Action Network mainly demands for a real ceasefire and to honor the terms of agreements made between the government and ethic armed groups. It also demands moving forward of the peace process in order to have a genuine peace that all the people are wishing. With the intention that clashes to be stopped, it is necessary Burma army withdraw all recent deployed troops during the conflicts, the right group told Shan Herald Agency for News.

A statement dated 5 April 2013 by SHRF said that atrocities by Burmese troops in a new military operation against the Shan State Army North have caused over 1,000 villagers, from 16 villages in Tang-yan, to flee from their homes during the past two weeks.

Since February, thousands of Burmese troops and artillery have been deployed to pressure the SSA-N to withdraw from its territories along the Salween River, near Tangyan. There have been armed clashes, and Burmese troops have been laying land mines and committing human rights violations against local civilians, the statement says.

Thus, the ceasefire agreement between Naypyitaw and SSPP/SSA on 28 January 2012 seems sham and false. Analysts believe seeking temporary ceasefire by the government seems to ease economic sanctions, rather than genuine peace.

The Shan State Progress Party / Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA) that had signed the ceasefire agreement with Naypyitaw on 28 January 2012 is now facing another military campaign launched by the Burma Army, referring local sources, Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.) said.

The campaign which began late last month, following the Burma Army’s order to move out from its mountain bases west of the Salween on 26 March, has already claimed more than 100 casualties on both sides plus the local inhabitants.

Lt. Gen. Ywet Sitt, leader of the Shan State Army (SSA), left, raises his glass along with Gen. Soe Win, the Myanmar government's chief negotiator, center, while toasting with others during a dinner after participating in a round of peace talks in Kengtung, Golden Triangle Region , near the Thai border, in eastern Shan State, Myanmar, Saturday, May 19, 2012. (AP Photo/Khin Maung Win)

Regional peace talks in Taunggyi, Shan State (South), were held between the government’s Union-level peacemaking group and Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP)/ Shan State Army peace-making group on 28 January 2012.

According to the government’s media, both sides signed a five-point groundwork agreement and exchanged the notes.

The five agreement points are as follow: (1) To build peace, the preliminary agreement signed between Shan State peacemaking group and Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP) in Taunggyi on 28 January, 2012 shall be approved. (2) To do concerted efforts ensuring non-disintegration of the Union, non-disintegration of national solidarity and perpetuation of sovereignty at all times based on Panglong spirit. (3) To arrange improvement of livelihood and sociolife of Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP) members and their families in line with law in cooperation with the government shall be made. (4) To cooperate with the Union government in a fight against narcotic drugs shall be made. (5) To launch further discussions and negotiations ensuring eternal peace.

Even though there is a truce between government’s peace-making team and the SSPP/SSA peace-making group, hostilities have been taking place sporadically in Shan State.

According to a statement dated 5 April 2013 by Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF), atrocities by Burmese troops in a new military operation against the Shan State Army North (SSA-N) have caused over 1,000 villagers, from 16 villages in Tang-yan, to flee from their homes during the past two weeks.

Since February, thousands of Burmese troops and artillery have been deployed to pressure the SSA-N to withdraw from its territories along the Salween River, near Tangyan. There have been armed clashes, and Burmese troops have been laying land mines and committing human rights violations against local civilians, the statement says.

On March 27, 2013, two villagers from Wan Kong Saai, Loi Jay tract, Tangyan township, who had been forcibly conscripted as porters, were killed by Burma Army landmines. They are Loong Laai Hseng, a village headman, aged 53, and Loong Kham, aged 40, SHRF said.

Peace talks resume between representatives of Kachin Independence Organization and the Burmese government peacemaking team in Shweli, China-Myanmar border in China’s Yunnan Province on Monday, March 11, 2013. (Photo: U Ye Htut / FB)

Thus, the ceasefire agreement between Naypyitaw and SSPP/SSA on 28 January 2012 seems to be on paper only. Some analysts deem it will be of benefit to military-backed President Thein Sein government. Furthermore, the real aim of seeking temporary ceasefire by the government seems to ease economic sanctions, rather than genuine peace.

Coincidently, conflict between Burma’s military and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) continued in north eastern Shan state in last week of March, according to the Kachin News Group. KIA’s 10th Battalion under 1st Brigade fought against a combined force of Burmese army units and Border Guard Force near near Pangwa on March 25. A series of skirmishes took place in Kachin and northern Shan State despite government officials declaring that war has been stopped between government troops and ethnic armies. Local sources reported that reinforcement of government troops and transportation of military supplies to frontline areas has continued in the recent weeks.

On 28 March, heavy clashes took place at Kawng-Woi-Bum mountain in the Gang-Mying region, as said by a senior officer with the 4th Brigade of the KIO’s armed-wing the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) stationed near to where the fighting took place. The clashes which lasted for more than 3 hours were limited to small arms fire.

The Burmese government and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) have agreed to continue their unfinished talks on a permanent ceasefire some time in end of this April.  The last meeting on topic of military positions between two armies was held in the Chinese border town of Ruili on 11 March 2013.

Although President Thein Sein’s reformist government has repeatedly declared to establish long-lasting peace in Kachin State, its military has recently sent large numbers of troops into Kachin Independence Army (KIA) controlled areas in northern Shan state and Kachin state, including Pangwa, Waingmaw township and Bhamo district, the Kachin News Group has informed.

Fighting between the KIA and government forces has repeatedly occurred in northern Shan state over the last few week in territory held by the KIA’s 4th Brigade.

Hence, even though some ceasefire talks are held between the rebel groups and the government there has been little actual progress. As the military-backed regime has hastily attempted to escape from sanctions, it tries to obtain more foreign recognition through peace-talks with the ethnic rebels. However, the government seems unwilling to control its armed forces in line with its peace policy.

President Thein Sein spoke in a radio address broadcast to mark a traditional New Year holiday, AP News said. In his message, Thein Sein said, “We have achieved successes that we had not hoped for and also experienced shocking and saddening events we had not expected.” But “during this long road toward democracy, we have to sustain our successes and take lessons from the losses, and be prepared to face the challenges ahead,” he said.

Burma President delivered his first New Year radio message to the nation on 1 January 2013, Tuesday.(Photo: http://www.president-office.gov.mm)

People of Burma have been hoping for a new dawn of democracy in this New Year, as the charismatic democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi has been working in the parliament together with other ethnic and democratic parties to transform the country into a promising free state.

Aung San Suu Kyi, Chairperson of the NLD, was, along with 43 parliamentarians, elected in by-elections in April 2012. Suu Kyi has said one of her priorities as an elected parliamentarian is to advocate an amendment of the 2008 constitution, under which 25 per cent of the parliament seats are reserved for unelected military officials.

In frequent media interviews, Suu Kyi expressed her ambition to work together with the new government towards reducing social difficulties of the grassroots people. Well-informed sources close to the government also said that the government wants Suu Kyi and members of her party sitting in parliament to give itself more legitimacy.

Suu Kyi is spending her New Year holidays in Japan in order to meet with Japanese leaders as well as hundreds of her supporters living there.

Nobel laureate and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi speaks to Burmese living in Japan and her supporters during a meeting in Tokyo, Saturday, April 13, 2013. (AP Photo/Shuji Kajiyama) / AP

She said the constitutional drafting committee must be well-regarded by the citizens and its work must be crystal clear. She added that the the Burmese people must have the right to reject any articles in the constitution that they disapprove of.

According to Aung San Suu Kyi, the existing constitution must be revised prior to the 2015 general elections to ensure free and fair polls. Although the 2015 ballot may be free, it will not be fair under the current undemocratic 2008 Constitution, Suu Kyi said.

Another big problem in Burma this New Year is the continuing violence involving ethnic minorities. Recently, 13 groups of Kachin civil society organizations based in Burma issued a statement criticizing Chinese government’s intervention in the peace process , according to the Kachinland News. The Kachin public sees Chinese government intervention during a meeting between KIO and Burmese government on March 11-12 as an obstacle for progress in peace dialogue.

As a result of ongoing civil war that has been waged for more than 60 years, Burma has become a largely dilapidated country in the region. Civil war in Burma has taken place since the country achieved its independence from British colonial rulers in 1948. Regrettably, the country lost its liberty in 1962 since the military led by the late dictator Gen. Ne Win seized power and cracked down on all democracy institutions, including free press in Burma.

Furthermore, consecutive military regimes never change their war policy against the ethnic rebels who defend just for their self-determination.  Those military rulers have no intention of building a democratic federal union state; instead they ordered the ethnic armed-groups to surrender.

At present, brutal warfare launched by the military-backed President Thein Sein government goes on and on mainly in ethnic areas, especially in Kachin State.

According to the Kachinland News, on April 8, KIA’s 2nd Battalion under 4th Brigade fought against Burmese army’s 136th Light Infantry Regiment near Man-Lau-Bum in northern Shan State. Another battle occurred on the same day between KIA’s 36th Battalion under 4th Brigade and a combined force of Burmese army’s 242nd LIR and 507th LIB under 16^th Military Operation Command at a mountain located between Lai-Lawm and Man-Se-Pa in northern Shan State. On April 10, a combat took place between KIA’s 1st Battalion under 3rd Brigade and Thein-ni-based government’s 240th Light Infantry Battalion between Mansi and Nazaret.

Much of the recent fighting between the Burma Army and the KIA has occurred in areas where large-scale natural resources and infrastructure projects are carrying out, including the controversial Myitsone Dam which was suspended at present. Besides, the most important Chinese project – 771-kilometer-long gas-and-oil twin pipeline across Kyaukphru in Rakhine state to Ruili on the China border – also passed through the northern Shan State under KIO controlled region.

The development of these large-scale natural resource and infrastructure projects has exacerbated the decades-long conflicts between Burma Army army and ethnic Kachin armed groups that seek greater autonomy under Pang-long Agreement. Burma Army is trying to control over these areas to exploit the natural resources and to catch the attention of larger foreign investment.

Due to China’s ravenous claim on development-projects in Burma, several people doubt whether China involved in Kachin war by some means. Some analysts believe that the Burmese government has been escalating military pressure on the KIO to reduce their contradictory view concerning natural resources and the dam-projects in Kachin State.

Notably, President Thein Sein received Zhang Guoqing, who is the President of China North Industries Corporation- NORINCO, at the Presidential Palace in Nay-Pyi-Taw, on 24 December 2012, according to the state-run media.  Zhang Guoqing’s visit seemed closely related with the country’s natural resources which China is keen to exploit. The government mustn’t allow China to put its oar in the country’s internal affairs.

Most clashes occurred in ethnic territories today are not because of the political question but because of money-making concentration in reality. On the other hand, the root question of armed conflicts in this country is intertwined with the constitutional imperfection. Many analysts see the conflicts as unbalanced distribution of power between major ethnic communities and the ruling military-dominated regime.

Ethnic minorities have been suffering through five decades of immoral military operations in the name of national disintegration. There is a constant demand from Burma’s ethnic groups to enjoy equal political, social and economic rights. The Constitution must guarantee the rights of self-determination and of equal representation for every ethnic group in the Parliament. It is also required to include provisions against racial discrimination.

Hence, the government needs to declare nationwide general amnesty with cessation of hostilities and rush towards an all-inclusive peace conference allowing all opposition groups to take part. To start a genuine reform, in this Burmese New Year, Burma critically requires revising its military-favored constitution in quest of true democratic social contract without delay.

The Government of Burma (officially known as Myanmar) and the European Union agree that there is now an historic opportunity to secure lasting peace in Burma and for bringing prosperity to ethnic areas after decades of conflict. The Myanmar Peace Center will work towards this goal. It shall build confidence and it shall advance the respect for political and human rights, the European Commission said in a November 2012 statement.

Meanwhile, according to the Kachinland News, the Burmese army sent more reinforcements to the Kachin region when as the two sides were preparing to meet in China-Burma border town Ruili on March 11, 2013. Fighting continued in Kachin and northern Shan State as Burmese army further encroached into territories controlled by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and its allies.

Referring local sources, Kachinland News states that Burmese armed forces’ movements have been increased, especially in Pangwa areas and northern Shan State since middle of February.

Peace talks resume between representatives of Kachin Independence Organization and the Burmese government peacemaking team in Shweli, China-Myanmar border in China’s Yunnan Province on Monday, March 11, 2013. (Photo: U Ye Htut / FB)

A battle took place between KIA and government soldiers at Man Kang Bum on March 25. During the battle, the KIA’s 17th Battalion under 4th Brigade clashed with government armed forces 323rd Light Infantry unit accompanied by Kawng-Hka people-militia formed by Burma Army.

Moreover, KIA’s 10th Battalion under 1st Brigade fought against a combined force of Burmese army units and Border Guard Force near near Pangwa on March 25. A series of skirmishes took place in Kachin and northern Shan State despite government officials declaring that war has been stopped between government troops and ethnic armies. Local sources reported that reinforcement of government troops and transportation of military supplies to frontline areas has continued in the recent weeks.

The Burmese government and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) have agreed to continue their unfinished talks on a permanent ceasefire some time after Burmese New Year, which takes place in mid-April.  The last meeting on topic of military positions between two armies was held in the Chinese border town of Ruili on 11 March 2013. The negotiations in China brought about a helpful progress after the most recent heavy fighting.

A Kachin soldier mans a frontline position near the headquarters of the Kachin Independence Organization, in Laiza, Burma. Pic: AP.

“Recently, the Myanmar peace talks in Thailand were sponsored by the Japanese; while at the meeting at Ruili, China, opposite Muse in Shan State, a border town of Sino-Burma, the Chinese were directly involved. According to some reports, the Chinese even interfered with the internal affairs. The Japanese and Chinese are rivals. If these two major powers take a leading role in the peace process, I doubt it will go smoothly. In order to balance these two influential countries, the U.S should consider taking a leading role for Myanmar’s peace process,” Khuensai Jaiyen, editor-in-chief of the Shan Herald Agency for News, told at the press conference on March 18 at FCCT in Bangkok, which was arranged by Burma News International (BNI).

“As Chinese officers were present at the Ruili meeting, some decisions could not be made: for instance, humanitarian assistance and ceasefire monitoring. If those items were included in the agenda, NGOs from the West would flood in; this seems to make the Chinese nervous. So, if the Chinese and Japanese are pulling strings on each side, the peace process would go nowhere; it may take longer than necessary,” Khuensai Jaiyen said.

A planned meeting in early April in Myitkyina between the KIO and the government peacemaking team was postponed until later in the month as international observers invited by the KIO are unable to attend, Mizzima News said.

Their discussions focused on political, economic, social reform process of Burma/Myanmar, environmental conservation, establishment of labor-intensive factories and workshops, mutual cooperation in Information

Technology and communication sectors by establishing factories and workshops, investment and establishment of SME factories, the state-run media said. In addition, there will be workshops to manufacture value-added products based on natural products and cooperation of Norwegian companies in generating hydropower.

The Industry Minister Giske says that he emphasized to talk about what Norwegian companies will be able to contribute to Myanmar’s development. He also addressed the importance of clear conditions and transparency around the business. The President expressed strong determination to go ahead with the democratization process, said Giske.

President U Thein Sein receives Norwegian Minister of Trade and Industry Mr Trond Giske and party at the Credentials Hall of the Presidential Palace in Nay-Pyi-Taw on 4 March 2013. (Photo: http://www.president-office.gov.mm/en)

Also present at the call were Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin, Minister at the President Office Soe Thane, Industry Minister Aye Myint, National Planning and Economic Development Minister Dr Kan Zaw and officials. The Norwegian Trade and Industry Minister and party were accompanied by Norwegian Ambassador to Burma/Myanmar Ms. Katja Nordgaard and embassy staff.

Besides, Norwegian Minister of Trade and Industry Mr. Trond Giske and party also paid a visit to Parliament Speaker Thura U Shwe Mann at Zabuthiri Hall of the Parliament Complex in Nay-Pyi-Taw at 2 pm Thursday. During the meeting, they discussed especially on bilateral trade and investment, technical assistance, and cooperation in legislation.

According to Norway Today, Trade and Industry Minister Trond Giske is very happy after the visit to Myanmar/Burma that ended with conversations with both the president and the country’s opposition leader. Giske told NTB (Norwegian News Agency) that representatives of Statoil and Telenor were with him when he met the opposition leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.It was useful both for the companies and for her, Giske said.

He points to the fact that Telenor wanted to make clear the conditions, rules and transparency that must be the basis for the company to enter into a multi-billion dollar investment. Myanmar parliament is to adopt a law on telecommunications before the summer.

Minister Trond Giske said that Aung San Suu Kyi has pointed out the importance of the democratic countries’ demands for democratic change in Myanmar/Burma. Democratization is far from the goal, and continued outside pressure is needed, According to Norway Today.

Norway-Myanmar Relations has improved since November 2012 as Norway has reduced sanctions on Burma/Myanmar. Then, Norwegian Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg paid a visit to the Southeast Asian nation by in November 2012 to recover bilateral relations which damaged for decades.

President Thein Sein paid tribute to the Norwegian position in peace process in his country where the government armed forces have launched war against the ethnic rebels in the areas where minorities live.

Norwegian Prime Minister Stoltenberg said that Thein Sein’s choice of Norway as the first European country to visit indicates a lot in itself. Stoltenberg and Thein Sein also articulated their interest in promoting telecommunication cooperation in Myanmar.

President U Thein Sein meets Norwegian Prime Minister Mr Jens Stoltenberg at the government guest house in Oslo in Norway on 26 Februar 2013.(Photo: http://www.president-office.gov.mm/en)

Norway, which has lifted sanctions against Myanmar, now turns to seek opportunities for forging a strong economic relation with the Southeast Asian country.

President U Thein Sein met Norwegian Prime Minister Mr Jens Stoltenberg at the government guest house in Oslo in Norway on 26 February 2013.  Also present at that meeting were Deputy Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services Commander-in-Chief (Army) General Soe Win, Union Ministers Wunna Maung Lwin and Soe Thane, deputy ministers and departmental heads, according to the state-run media.

President said that it was his first-visit to Europe, thanking the Norwegian people and government for supporting democratic change in his nation. He also said that the Norwegian PM’s visit in the previous year was a historic visit in the mutual ties although it was a short stay.

He also acknowledged that Norway played a key role in discussions with Paris Club members for lifting sanctions and resumption of low interest loans by the World Bank and other international monetary institutions.

He said Norway’s clearance of Myanmar debt had impacts on other debt clearing. He also proposed cooperation for political reforms, peace building, economic reforms and environmental conservation.

Thein Sein also told Jens Stoltenberg in November 2012 that his government has already made foreign investment law, monetary policy, trade policy and investment policy at the level of international standards. Burma will likely export natural resources to Norway as value-added products, so as to do good to both countries, he said. He called attention to the employment of his citizens as a critical necessity. Thein Sein said he hoped that coming out of the industrial plants and workshops could present many job opportunities.

Although Burma has been pushing ahead with its economic reform, there are many more to do for political changes including constitutional amendments and political dialogue with ethnic leaders from various national races demanding self-determination.

Amid pressure for a free press, the Burmese government invited applications for private dailies starting from 1 February 2013. Some of the papers that were granted permission began publishing this week.

It’s really a great risk for the publishers, editors, correspondents and even the distributors of the dailies in such a time of uncertainty.  They are taking part in a movement for press freedom in a country which infamous for its restrictions on the media.

(READ MORE: Privately owned daily newspapers return to Burma)

Out of the 16 private daily newspapers givin permission to publish, four dailies – Pyidaungsu Daily (Union Daily), Shwe Naing Ngan Thit Daily (Golden Freshland Daily), San Taw Chein Daily (Standard Times Daily) and Voice Daily – began publishing on Monday.  Private daily newspapers in Burma (also known as Myanmar) were outlawed 1964 under the military junta run by the late Gen. Ne Win. The then privately owned newspapers, including The New Light of Myanmar (Burmese version), The Mirror (Burmese version) and The Guardian (English version), were nationalized by the military regime in 1964.

A newspaper hawker sells periodicals in a busy street in Yangon on 1 April 2013, Monday. Pic: AP.

A dozen more remaining permitted daily newspapers are likely to hit they streets soon. They include Khit Moe Daily, Empire Daily, The Messenger, Eleven Daily, The Yangon Times and D-Wave (the newspaper of Aung San Suu Kyi’s opposition National League for Democracy party).

Of course, there are already a number of State-run newspapers circulating daily in Burma (which is officially known as Myanmar). They are namely Myanmar Alin (Burmese version), Kyemon (The Mirror, Burmese version), Myawaddy (Burmese version), The New Light of Myanmar (English version) and Yadanarpon (Burmese version).

Censorship has not always been rife in Burma. Indeed, form the late ’40s to the early ’60s it was seen as a leader of press freedom in the Southeast Asia region. The 1947 Constitution of Burma  promised citizens the right to enjoy freedom of expression and opinions. Journalists and reporters were allowed to enter the Prime Minister’s office and parliament without any limitation. As many as three dozen newspapers, including English and Chinese dailies, existed between 1948 and 1962 under the civilian government.

The situation changed in 1962, when the military seized power. All newspapers were nationalized by the junta led by Gen. Ne Win. The junta established a Press Scrutiny Board to enforce strict censorship practices on all forms of printed matter, including advertising and obituaries. ‘The Printers and Publishers Registration Law’ was introduced shortly after the 1962 military coup. Despite this week’s developments, this law is still and place and continues to threaten press freedom in Burma.

Burma dissolved the press censorship board officially known as Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD) in January. According to the state-run New Light of Myanmar, the termination of PSRD was approved during the cabinet meeting held on 24 January 2013. However, in place of PSRD, the “Copyrights and Registration Division” will be formed under the Information and Public Relations Department, NLM newspaper said.

Last month three media groups – Myanmar Journalists’ Association (MJA), Myanmar Journalists’ Network (MJN) and Myanmar Journalists’ Union (MJU) – protested against the draft of the new Printing and Publishing Law drawn up by the Ministry of Information (MOI) submitted to Parliament on 27 February, 2013. They protested because MOI did not consult with media stakeholders before it put forward the draft bill to the House.

The MOI’s draft bill maintains government control over the media. Journalists are angry due to the fact that it is nlittle different from the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Law that was enacted by the late Gen. Ne Win. Even though private dailies are allowed, the new draft law strictly controls what they report.

The Commission said in its statement that the Union Peace-Making Committee and KIO delegation were able to issue a joint statement at the peace talks held at Shweli (Ruili) of the Peoples’ Republic of China on 11-12 March 2013.  It also said that constructive and positive developments were achieved through the talks.  The MNHRC earnestly welcomed the statement that the Union Government plans to speed up development and rehabilitation tasks in the Kachin State since the procedure to reach cease-fire has started under the said joint statement.

The MNHRC said that it has continually followed the increase of the armed conflict in Kachin State. It is a pity that the displaced persons have been in an increasingly hopelessness situation as the armed conflict continues endlessly. The Commission said that it visited Kachin State two times, once in December 2011 and the other in July 2012. It has attempted coordinating with the concerned parties and contributed to the delivery of humanitarian supplies to the internal displaced persons (IDPs).

Fire-fighters put out fires in a burning building following riots between Buddhists and Muslims in Meikhtila, Mandalay division, north of Yangon, Myanmar/Burma, 22 March 2013. (Photo: Khin Maung Win/AP)

In addition, in its statements issued in connection with the conflict in the Kachin State, the Commission strongly recommended that it is essential to remove anti-personnel mines before the resettlement of the IDPs. Operation on removal of anti-personnel mines should be carried out by armed groups, and relevant domestic and foreign organizations.  Villagers should be educated on landmines when demining is undertaken, the MNHRC advised.

The Commission also said that armed groups should not under any circumstances commit human rights violations on the local inhabitants. It also suggested there should be no forced recruitment of new soldiers by all armed groups.  The issue of humanitarian access and safe passage for humanitarian supplies should be undertaken.

In conclusion, the MNHRC’s statement said that in an attempt to lessen the sufferings of the IDPs and also to encourage further to the peace talks, the aforesaid recommendations of the MNRC should be implemented as a main concern.

Human Rights Watch criticizes Burma’s recently-formed National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), which has not played an effective role in scrutinizing human rights violations in Kachin State. In February 2012, the commission’s chairman, Win Mra, said that the commission would not look into allegations of abuses in the country’s ethnic armed conflict areas due to the government’s efforts to negotiate ceasefires.

HRW has also made a recommendation to the parliament of Burma to pass legislation that would bring Burma’s NHRC in line with the Paris Principles on national human rights institutions in order to establish it as an independent and effective institution.

One serious question is why MNHRC fails to focus on the criminal riots in Meiktila town in Mandalay Division. At least, the commission should denounce the terrorists as they intentionally ignited the buildings and harmed citizens. President Thein Sein declared a state of emergency in Meikhtila in an announcement broadcast on state television on 22 March afternoon. The declaration allows the military to take over administrative functions in and around the town, according to AP News.

Homeless victims following riots occurred between Buddhists and Muslims in Meikhtila, Mandalay division, Myanmar/Burma,Friday, March 22, 2013. (AP / Khin Maung Win)

The United Nations human rights expert Thursday called on the Government of Myanmar to take urgent steps to tackle the prejudice and discrimination fueling violence and destruction between Muslim and Buddhist communities, as said by the UN News Center.

“The Government must take immediate action to stop the violence from spreading to other parts of the country and undermining the reform process,” said Tomás Ojea Quintana, the UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar/Burma.

The Special Rapporteur acknowledged the President’s televised address to the nation earlier yesterday for compassion, tolerance, understanding, and empathy amongst people of all faiths in Burma/Myanmar.

He called on other institutions such as Parliament, the Supreme Court and the National Human Rights Commission to play their role in protecting constitutionally guaranteed rights, including freedom of religion, as well as the need to include civil society and political parties to tackle prejudice and discrimination.

Coincidently, ‘Resolution on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar’ was released by United Nations Human Rights Council on March 19, 2013.

The UNHRC expresses concern about remaining human rights violations, including arbitrary detention, forced displacement, land confiscations, rape and other forms of sexual violence, torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, as well as violations of international humanitarian law, and urges the Government of Myanmar to step up its efforts to put an end to such violations and to take necessary measures to ensure accountability and end impunity, including by undertaking a full, transparent and independent investigation into all reports of violations of international human rights and international humanitarian law, while also calling for proper investigations into detention and prison conditions and allegations of the use of torture in prisons.

Above all, citizens are demanding freedom of expression and freedom of the press. If the government is to be open regarding democratic reforms, the media must become free as early as possible since free speech and access to information are fundamental to a healthy democratic system.

In November last year, MP Thein Nyunt of Thingangyun Constituency said that private newspapers were allowed under the 1962 Printing and Publishers Registration Act even under the then military junta. He asked whether the government has planned to give green light to publish private newspapers according to the Printers and Publishers Registration Law (1962).

U Win Tin speaks at a media meeting with FCCT and SEAPA in Yangon, on 21 March 2013. (Photo Credit: Jeanne Marie Hallacy's FB)

After some negotiation, applications were invited by Ministry of Information starting from 1 February 2013 for publication of daily newspapers starting on 1 April 2013.  The Ministry issued announcements through state-run dailies calling for applicants.  Out of 17 applications eight applicants were granted temporary permission to publish dailies as of 1 April 2013.

According to the state-run New Light of Myanmar, the successful applicants were:  The Daily Eleven,  San Taw Chein, Khit Thit Daily, Yangon Times, Myanmar Dika, D Wave, Pyidaungsu Athan and 7 Day Daily.

The announcement said that three remaining applications which are under inspection and the new applications will be scrutinized at the coordination meeting of Central Supervisory Committee for Registration and Distribution of Printers and Publishers to be held in April 2013.

U Win Tin, a veteran journalist and former editor-in-chief of Hanthawady Daily, told the media last year concerning the private dailies: “If possible, state-run newspapers should not exist. The Kyemon and Myanma Alin dailies were privately owned in the past. I think they should be privatized now.”

People read publications at a roadside shop in Yangon. Pic: AP.

Although the eight new titles are welcome, the media in Burma is far from free. Earlier this mont the media groups of Burma – Myanmar Journalists’ Association (MJA), Myanmar Journalists’ Network (MJN) and Myanmar Journalists’ Union (MJU) – protested against the draft of the Printing and Publishing Law drawn up by the Ministry of Information (MOI) submitted to Parliament on 27 February, 2013.

The MOI’s draft bill maintains government power over the media. Journalists are angry due to the fact that it is no different from the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Law that was enacted by the late Gen. Ne Win, the Chairman of the Revolutionary Council of the Union of Burma.

So, Burma press freedom looks to be struggling under the same old restrictions. Although eight applicants have been granted temporary permission to publish dailies as of 1 April 2013, the newspapers have to abide by the existing 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Act.