Burma’s new constitution has become a point of conflict among political parties, ethnic groups and exile dissident factions seeking common ground in the political minefield that separates pro-democracy civilian groups and the military dictatorship.

If the incumbent military regime has an unprejudiced mind, it should review the mistakes of the past leaders of the union. The military leaders should sincerely review the political aspiration of the ethnic communities. The late dictator Ne Win, who seized power in a military coup in 1962, did not agree sharing equal power with the respective ethnic representatives-elect, and it remains the same today.

It is a reasonable demand asking to guarantee self-reliance of the respective ethnic minorities. The military regime should not use guns to govern the ethnic minorities. The guns will not unite the union of Burma. If we look back to 1960-61, many leaders from the ethnic states criticized the weakness of the constitution as well as the government’s failure to realize the political autonomy of the ethnic minorities.

They accused the central government of not allowing the representatives of ethnic states to manage their own affairs on economy, judiciary, education, customs and etc. So, they blamed the then government grabbing all powers as a centralized-body and neglected the self-reliance rights of the ethnic states. It seems the central government ruled the ethnic areas as vessel states.  

The current Senior General Than Shwe follows the tradition of his predecessor Ne Win and Saw Maung who defend the faith of a single unitary state covers with fake union constitution. “All the armed forces in the union shall be under the command of the Defense Services,” says the section 337 of the 2008 constitution. It means the ethnic armed troops are not allowed to be independent but must be under control of the central government’s Defense Services as Border Guard Forces.

On August 30 the UEC closed enlisting of candidates from political parties to contest in the election.

According to the Union Election Commission (UEC), the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), led by Prime Minister Thein Sein, is fielding 1,163 candidates, pro-junta National Unity Party (NUP) 994, a splinter faction from the NLD – National Democratic Force (NDF) 164, Shan Nationals Democratic Party (SNDP) 157, Democratic Party Myanmar (DPM) 49, the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP)  45, Chin Progressive Party (CPP) 39 and the All Mon Region Democracy Party (AMRDP) 35.

In comparison, all the democratic political parties can contest just around 500 seats in this parliament, while two pro-junta parties are ready to run for all seats. But, the incoming parliament has no power to form a cabinet. Even though upcoming parliaments have no effective power to run the country but to support the President’s decisions. Cabinet shaping power is in the hand of the President who will be definitely a handpicked by the military council.  So, the military-backed President will become the decision-maker of the country. The President will designate the Ministries of the Union Government as necessary and make change and additions to the cabinet.

In this arrangement, it is obvious military breaks its own promise of just taking 25 percent of the parliamentary seats. The scenario looks like the military will takes the 85 percent or lion’s share of the total seats. Then, in such a parliament, ethnic representatives-elect have no chance to ask for self-sufficiency or equal status in political power. Authentic ethnic representatives, who willing to have a considerable political space, may not occupy enough seats in the new parliament, in stead more pro-military ethic representatives are likely to gain more seats. And the President will not allow them to talk on issues of ethnic self-government. Yet, all the cabinet members for states, divisions and special regions will be appointed by the President.

Hence, several ethnic leaders asserted that they don’t have faith in the planned 2010 election where they could have little space. For, it will not create a real peaceful federal union as the Burmese armed-forces take not only 25 percent of all seats but also seize additional 50 percent via junta-backed party in the upcoming parliaments as set by the 2008 Constitution.

To sum up, without honoring the ethnic people’s political aspiration revealed since 1947, the junta’s premeditated voting cannot afford to stop the political and civil strife throughout the country. The nation will certainly be plunged into a fearful catastrophe due to negligence of national reconciliation and ethnic self-determination aftermath of the planned polls.